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Content Warning: This section of the guide contains references to racism and racialized violence, as well as mentions of sexual assault.
Tyson opens with a quotation from author Lillian Smith’s memoir, Killers of the Dream, in which Smith states that children in the South “[have] lived on trembling earth” (1).
Robert F. Williams was born onto this trembling earth in the small, segregated town of Monroe, North Carolina. Tyson recounts the first “tremor” felt by Williams, a childhood event that deeply influenced his later philosophy on race and violence. In 1936, an 11-year-old Williams witnessed a white police officer named Jesse Helms viciously beat and drag a Black woman. Williams was horrified by the sight, noting that the “emasculated” Black men who witnessed the assault hung their heads, powerless to intervene. Williams never forgot what he saw. Throughout his incendiary career as an activist, he recounted the story often.
Tyson emphasizes that Radio Free Dixie is not just the story of Williams’s life, but also a chronicle of the factors that influenced Black Americans’ struggle for freedom. Though the prevailing narrative of the civil rights movement frames the Black Power movement as a separate and later development from the nonviolent movement led by the likes of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., Tyson suggests “the civil rights movement and the Black Power movement emerged from the same soil [and] confronted the same predicaments” (3).
In 1925, Williams was born in Newtown, the segregated Black neighborhood of Monroe, North Carolina, to parents Emma Carter and John Williams. John Williams’s job as a boiler washer for the local railroad afforded the Williams family greater economic freedom than most others in the area; they owned their home and never struggled to put food on the table.
In Monroe, public facilities were segregated under the “separate but equal” doctrine of Jim Crow laws. Segregation was a constant aspect of daily life “forged in violence [and] inculcated in custom” (23). Black men were banned from working alongside white women over fears of miscegenation, dubbed “social equality” by its opponents. North Carolina’s branch of the Ku Klux Klan (KKK) numbered 50,000 strong, including many respected and powerful members of the community. Any Black citizen who transgressed against the explicit or implied rules of the racial caste system risked assault or even death.
The Williams family had a long legacy of resistance to oppression. As a child, Williams idolized his uncle Charlie, a teacher who advocated staunchly for Black educational rights in Monroe. Williams’s paternal grandparents were Ellen Isabel Williams and Sikes Williams, a firebrand political and racial activist who died before Williams was born. As a young couple, Ellen and Sikes hitched their wagon to the Populist-Republican Party, which advocated for biracial democracy, promising to restore the right to vote to Black citizens after 20 years of disenfranchisement. In 1894, the Populist-Republicans wrested control from the Democrats and installed election reforms that gave Black citizens back the right to vote. The victory was short-lived, however; In 1898, advocates for white supremacy unleashed a wave of violence to suppress Black votership. The Democratic Party regained control of the state, and the Populist Party gave up its support for Black rights, stating its belief that racial politics divided whites who would otherwise band together.
Ellen raised Williams to be proud of his Black heritage and ensured that he was well-informed about the state of the world around him. Before her death, she gifted him Sikes’s old rifle.
In the introduction to Radio Free Dixie, Tyson states that the text is as much a chronology of the larger civil rights and Black Power movements as it is one man’s biography. Many contemporary narratives of the civil rights movement, he suggests, are overly simplistic in their separation of the Black Power movement from the larger civil rights movement, constructing an idealized history that ignores the reality of the Black struggle. Tyson asserts his belief that the two movements “emerged from the same soil [and] reflected the same quest for African American freedom” (3).
Tyson introduces Robert F. Williams as a boy, establishing the personal, social, and political factors that contributed to his later activism. Williams was born into a South governed by segregationist Jim Crow laws. The system of racial hierarchy in North Carolina at the time of his birth encompassed both explicit legal restrictions and an unwritten social code of conduct. Williams describes the pervasiveness of white supremacy, which “permeated daily life so deeply that most people could no more ponder it than a fish might discuss the wetness of water” (20). Racism was so deeply entrenched in the Jim Crow South that many white Southerners did not even consider themselves hostile toward Black people; instead, they viewed their Black counterparts with a benevolent condescension known as racial paternalism. The prevailing belief at the time held that “segregation [was] a fundamental law of nature” and benefitted both races (21). By providing this background, Tyson ties Williams’s childhood environment to the ideological principles he held as an adult.
Tyson uses an anecdote from Williams’s childhood to lay the groundwork for the theme of Race, Gender, and the Sexual Taboo. The moment that Jesse Helms dragged a Black woman away while Black men looked on in silence illustrated an unspoken rule of the Jim Crow South. White men were free to abuse and assault Black women at will, a pattern of behavior dating back to slavery. Tyson quotes Ella Belle Stitt, a formerly enslaved woman who recalled in an interview for The Crusader that enslavers routinely raped and impregnated Black women with impunity: “[T]he Negro women were subject to the wills of the white men, and there was hardly a plantation around that you couldn’t see that the owners had fathered some of the slaves” (10). Williams’s own grandmother Ella was the product of one such assault. Tracing this deeply rooted history allows Tyson to show why sexual politics between Black and white people played such a significant role in the broader politics of the Jim Crow South.
The other side of this taboo was extreme paranoia about sexual interaction between Black men and white women. This paranoia both justified and contributed to the continued economic disenfranchisement of Black people. In Monroe, Black men were not allowed menial jobs inside textile mills for fear that they would endanger the white women working there. The fear around Black-on-white sexual violence was such that the smallest perceived act of provocation from a Black man toward a white woman was punishable by death. The history of the South is filled with similar tragedies; 30 years after Williams’s birth, a 14-year-old boy named Emmet Till would be lynched in Mississippi for the alleged crime of whistling at a white woman. This discussion in the early parts of Tyson’s book links Williams’s personal life to larger currents in the history of racial politics in the South.
Radio Free Dixie also highlights how open violence against Black people abounded in the Jim Crow South, establishing the theme of Black Power and the Role of Violence in the Civil Rights Movement. In addition to random violence perpetuated by individual racists, violence was used as a tool of control by the white supremacist systems of the South. Tyson supports this claim by recounting the 1898 wave of violence against Black voters that reversed the social gains achieved in the 1894 election. The denial of Black rights and Black humanity was so egregious that, as Tyson notes, “only violence or its well-founded threat” could maintain it (14). Tyson closes Chapter 1 by describing the rifle Williams’s grandmother gifted him, foreshadowing Williams’s eventual rise into an advocate for armed self-defense.
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By Timothy B. Tyson