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After the end of the Revolutionary War and the ceding of British territory in Florida in 1783, more than 6,000 loyalist refugees and those they enslaved flooded into the Bahamas, doubling the population of the island territory. Food and housing shortages ensued. Newcomers resented the political power of pre-war settlers, derisively called “conchs” after the mollusk. John Wells (1752-1799), printer from South Carolina, published messages of dissent, using the press he transported from Charlottesville to St. Augustine and then to the Bahamas. The British government recalled Bahamas governor, John Maxwell (circa 1730-1791), but his elderly successor, James Powell (circa 1717-1786), failed to make peace with the new loyalist residents.
Dunmore’s appointment as governor in 1787 seemed prudent. Former governor of British New York then Virginia, Dunmore was reputedly a tenacious, innovative foe of patriot forces in the Revolutionary War. However, Dunmore ran afoul of public opinion; he spearheaded the emancipation from patriot slavery during the war, and he criticized plantation owners in the Bahamas for maltreating and reenslaving people freed after joining the British cause. Riots ensued, with participants arrested, including Thomas Brown, hero to Southern loyalists. Loyalists complained that Dunmore excluded them from representation in the Bahamian assembly. After the arrest and acquittal of critic William Wylly (1757-1828), Dunmore closed the courts. He claimed to have “evidence of a loyalist plot against the state” and wanted to impose martial law (234).
William Augustus Bowles (1763-1805), born in Maryland, lived for a time among the Creek, and he rallied southern Native allies to support the British in the Revolutionary War. In 1788, Bowles arrived in Nassau with documents explaining a plot for Bahamian independence. These bore the signature of Bahamas resident John Cruden, who, “long manic” (217), died in 1787.
Bowles gained Dunmore’s support for a strange plot of his own: the creation of a British-friendly pan-tribal Native nation called Muskogee within Spanish-held Florida. Bowles obtained British approval for the plan. Bowles eventually met with Spanish diplomats in New Orleans who encouraged him to go to Havana for further diplomacy. Spanish authorities arrested Bowles in Cuba, sent him to Spain, then into exile in the Philippines.
Under threat of French attack on the Bahamas and fearing insurgency, Dunmore reinstated assembly elections in 1794. Dunmore’s rivals won seats. Britain recalled Dunmore as governor in 1796.
During and after the Revolutionary War, Jamaica was Britain’s most profitable colony, the center of British sugar production. It was also fervently loyalist, narrowly saved from French attack in the 1782 naval conflict called the Battle of the Saintes. Jamaica offered American loyalist refugees tax relief but, except the failed St. Elizabeth morass project along the Black River, canceled when experts deemed the swamp impossible to drain, did not offer loyalists land.
American loyalist enslavers, thinking Jamaica a place of refuge due to the portable nature of the enslaved as property, found the labor market saturated. Loyalist refugees with scarcer skills fared better. Former South Carolinians Alexander Aikman (1755-1838) and his wife, Louisa Wells Aikman (1755-1831), prospered in the newspaper business, as John Wells had in the Bahamas.
Beautiful to newcomers, Jamaica was a dangerous place because “diseases such as yellow fever and malaria led to mortality rates among whites as high as one in eight” (250). For Elizabeth Johnston, this suggested her family would thrive, as her husband, William Johnston (circa 1754-1806), was a doctor. However, diseases killed three of her children before the family relocated to Nova Scotia.
At the end of the Revolutionary War, Jamaica had a population of 18,000 white settlers and 210,000 enslaved people. The loyalist exodus added 3,000 white refugees and 8,000 enslaved people. White Jamaicans feared revolts from those they had enslaved, remembering the notorious uprising known as Tacky’s Rebellion in 1760. White Jamaicans oppressed the majority Black population with restrictive laws and routine violence. Plantation overseer Thomas Thistlewood (1721-1786) left a “dispassionate record of Jamaica’s everyday sadism” (249) in his diaries, a valuable primary resource for historians.
George Liele worked off the debt he owed for purchasing his family’s freedom, ending his indentured servitude. Liele became an influential Baptist preacher, spreading the American religion throughout Jamaica. Although the loyalist preacher always spoke in favor of the crown and state, authorities arrested him on suspicion of treason, acquitted him, but reimprisoned him for debt owed on the church he built. Once released, Liele ended his public career, but the Baptist faith flourished.
In postwar Jamaica, with the constant presence of death, religion offered a sense of security. Elizabeth Johnston, for instance, found comfort in the Baptist faith. Maria Nugent (1771-1834), daughter of loyalist general Cortlandt Skinner (1727-1799) and wife of Jamaican governor George Nugent (1757-1849), considered religion a source of happiness. Maria Nugent’s diaries hold immense value for historians.
Black loyalists in Nova Scotia and New Brunswick were even less likely than their white counterparts to receive adequate land grants. Frustrated by the situation, formerly enslaved North Carolinian Thomas Peters (1738-1792) heard news about a new colony of free Black settlers in Sierra Leone, “the first ‘back to Africa’ project in modern history” (285). Peters traveled to England where he met with key abolitionists, including Granville Sharp (1735-1813), who sent John Clarkson (1764-1828) to Canada to recruit Black settlers. Clarkson’s journals remain helpful for historians.
In Nova Scotia, Clarkson met with Governor John Parr (1725-1791), who showed disinterest, and Stephen Skinner (1725-1808), a loyalist from New Jersey, who initially resisted the Sierra Leone plan. Nonetheless, approximately 1,700 people—a third of the Black loyalist refugees in Nova Scotia and New Brunswick—agreed to join the new African settlement in Freetown. Settlers included Baptist preacher David George and Methodist preachers Boston King and Moses Wilkinson.
Under the threat of disease, attacks by wild animals, and lack of land allotments and supplies, the new Freetown community grew frustrated soon after landing in Africa. Thomas Peters argued that Clarkson failed the people he led to Sierra Leone, but Clarkson managed to win back popular opinion. Freetown residents sorely missed Clarkson when he left for Britain in 1792. His successors were less popular, especially Zachary Macaulay (1768-1838), who took charge of Freetown in 1794. Macaulay failed to protect the Sierra Leone settlement from looting and destruction by French naval forces in 1794, after Britain and France once again went to war in 1793. Freetown settlers also grew angry about taxes levied on their properties, as the taxation contradicted prior promises.
Amidst this tension, Freetown hosted an unexpected visitor. William Augustus Bowles, transferred from Spanish to French custody, jumped ship off the coast of Africa and escaped, reentering the British Empire at Freetown in 1798.
Political stress continued. In 1799, Freetown elections brought Macaulay’s rivals into local government. Macaulay left for Britain. Black loyalists asserted the right to appoint their own judges and set their own laws, steps that led to conflict with British authorities in 1800. This was the “largest armed challenge to imperial authority” in the loyalist diaspora (304). Contextualized by the French Revolution, which culminated in 1799, this uprising seemed a serious threat to British authority, but British troops quickly defeated the Freetown rebels.
This chapter explores the movements of Beverley Robinson’s relatives to indicate the increasingly sprawling nature of the British Empire and the degree to which American loyalists found their lives connected to its expansion.
The 1794 Jay Treaty, named for John Jay, normalized trade relations between Britain and the United States. Britain agreed to give up its western forts along the Great Lakes, sapping British support for Joseph Brant and dooming his project to establish an independent Native community. William Augustus Bowles returned from Sierra Leone to the American South in 1795 and reattempted to form the Native community of Muskogee. Betrayed to the Spanish, Bowles died a prisoner in Cuba.
After the Jay Treaty expired—and partly due to British conscription of American sailors, British fear of American imperial aspirations, and British insistence that the United States avoid trade with France—President James Madison (1751-1836) began the War of 1812. American forces looted and burned York in Upper Canada in 1813. The British retaliated, burning Washington in 1814. The war officially ended with the Treaty of Ghent in early 1815, but Andrew Jackson (1767-1845) dealt one last blow to the British at the Battle of New Orleans before news of peace arrived. The War of 1812 created new tensions and allegiances among Native proxy forces, a sense of loyalist pride in Canada, and curtailed British imperial ambitions in North America.
British imperial attention turned east. By 1815, India was “the largest, most economically valuable, and strategically significant domain” in the British Empire (335).
David Ochterlony (1758-1825), born in Massachusetts, joined the British military in 1777 and deployed to India, while his family in America supported the loyalist cause. He chose to stay in India, living an opulent lifestyle far removed from his New England roots. William Gardner (1770-1835), from a loyalist New York family, went to India with the British army in 1790. Gardner married a Muslim Indian woman and wrote an autobiography of his unusual life on the subcontinent. Benedict Arnold sent his children to India starting in 1799, and his son George Arnold (1787-1828) fathered a half-Indian daughter. George Nugent transferred from Jamaica to serve as commander in chief of India in 1811, and Maria Nugent continued to produce valuable journals.
Chapters 7-9 explore the lives of loyalists in more distant British colonies—the Bahamas, Jamaica, and Sierra Leone—supporting Jasanoff’s thesis of the diaspora’s global nature and influence.
Continually weighing loyalists’ diversity against their commonalities, the author describes the varied local conditions of each colony but finds that loyalist refugees had similar experiences all throughout the diaspora. Like loyalists who sought refuge in Britain and Canada, those who went to more remote colonial outposts expected the British government to provide material compensation and self-governance, but they were disappointed, and their frustration occasionally erupted in open dissent. British officials reacted by enacting autocratic policies. These remote loyalists’ dilemma further illustrates the text’s continual theme of the British government’s failure to fulfill loyalist hopes. Indirectly adding to Britain’s complicated characterization, Chapter 10 covers how the British Empire evinced its belief in European supremacy by turning to the East after the War of 1812.
Even those loyalists who would affirm these imperial aspirations grew disillusioned with the British government. The Bahamas seemed an attractive destination for white Southern loyalists because they could bring their enslaved subjects, whom they treated as a form of portable wealth—but the influx of refugees overwhelmed government officials. Loyalist refugees outnumbered earlier settlers and upset the balance of power in the Bahamian government. Jasanoff details how loyalists dissented from a series of governors, who responded with draconian measures. Such authoritarian control radically contradicted the loyalists’ distinctly American penchant for representation and self-governance—a penchant that, in turn was at radical and ironical odds with their indulgence of the utterly authoritarian institution of slavery. Jasanoff especially focuses on the conflict between loyalist refugees and Governor Dunmore, who criticized enslavers’ inhumanity and whose arrival coincided with the failure of initially promising experimental cotton crops. Harried by popular discontent and a critical press, Dunmore eventually wished to impose martial law, following a pattern Jasanoff recognizes throughout the loyalist diaspora. Dunmore and Bowles’s later plan—to establish a British-friendly Native settlement within Spanish Florida—unlikely as it may seem now, reflected the uncertain geopolitical dynamics after the Revolutionary War and loyalist motivation to expand the British Empire.
Jamaica’s natural beauty contrasts with the difficult conditions of life on the island. The author notes the irony that although Jamaica was Britain’s most profitable colony due to its slavery-based sugar production, loyalist enslavers had difficulty integrating into the island’s economy. Moreover, diseases plagued the island, even killing members of the Johnston family. White Jamaicans lived in fear of revolts by their enslaved subjects and used extremely brutal methods to suppress them.
Amidst the island’s death and suffering, religious fervor flourished, stoked by Black loyalist and Baptist George Liele. Jasanoff notes the poetic justice of the fact that Liele, not rebellious against British authorities, established a cultural legacy that led to the Baptist War, in which the enslaved rebelled. Such a domino effect is further evidence of the diaspora’s profound global influence. Likewise, Black loyalists conveyed American culture to another corner of the British Empire, the Freetown settlement of Sierra Leone, where Black loyalists enthusiastically welcomed John Clarkson into their Baptist and Methodist congregations. Prominent Black loyalists agreed to go to Africa to expand the British Empire. As armed insurrection eventually broke out among African settlers, this uprising occurred right after the French Revolution and that this temporal context heightened British fear of rebellion.
Jasanoff still demonstrates her logistically comprehensive approach to history; she neatly summarizes the causes, battles, and effects of the War of 1812. Even while the author’s comprehensive perspective requires a distant vantage point, however, her view is also telescopic as she hones in on the particular figures who animate the narrative. For example, following a framing device she uses throughout the book, she details the movements of Beverley Robinson’s family members, including two who returned to New York and held different views about the War of 1812. Such framing, as it personalizes the narrative, allows Jasanoff to articulate a fuller tenor of the story.
After American forces defeated the British incursion, British imperial attention turned from North America to the east. Although it became a source of great imperial wealth, few British subjects settled in India. Jasanoff tells the stories of loyalist refugees who helped colonize India, using the colorful imagery of the subcontinent to show how different their lives were than if they had remained in the United States.
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