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38 pages 1 hour read

Capitalism, Socialism and Democracy

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 1942

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Part 2Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Part 2: “Can Capitalism Survive?”

Part 2, Prologue Summary

Schumpeter examines whether capitalism can survive. He states that he does not believe that it will. However, this belief is based on observing current trends; as these trends might change, his prognosis is not inevitable. He believes that socialism is the socioeconomic system most likely to replace capitalism. He stresses that this does not mean socialism is ethically superior to capitalism.

Part 2, Chapter 5 Summary: “The Rate of Increase of Total Output”

Schumpeter argues that output, or the ability to produce goods and services, is one of the best ways of assessing an economic system. Capitalist economies, based on an average growth rate of 1.7% from 1928 onwards, would almost treble by 1978. This does not even take into account new products and commodities which enhance people’s quality of life, such as cars. Indeed, as Schumpeter points out, “there are no doubt some things available to the modern workman that Louis XIV himself would have been delighted to have yet was unable to” (67).

Schumpeter acknowledges that unemployment is a persistent problem with capitalism. However, output growth can mitigate this to some degree and enable societies to financially assist the unemployed.

Part 2, Chapter 6 Summary: “Plausible Capitalism”

Schumpeter addresses whether the profit motive, so central to capitalism, promotes the social good. Classical economists like Adam Smith argued that it does so under conditions of perfect competition. In a market with many sellers, producers have no control over the price of the commodity and are obliged to maximize production to increase profits. The social good is promoted by encouraging the maximal employment of resources. Unfortunately, such perfect competition is rare. Excepting agricultural mass production, most markets are either monopolistic or oligopolistic. That is, they are dominated by one or a handful of large firms, which have the power to increase prices by restricting output. When this happens, resources are not being maximally employed and the social good is thwarted.

Part 2, Chapter 7 Summary: “The Process of Creative Destruction”

Schumpeter argues that standard economic theory, which regards monopoly as bad, ignores the fact that “in dealing with capitalism we are dealing with an evolutionary process” (82). Capitalism is constantly changing with the pursuit and creation of new products, ways of producing, and markets. Monopoly or oligopoly, which seems harmful when viewed from a static perspective, can be efficient and productive when seen from a dynamic one. Monopolistic firms can be motivated by the threat of “creative destruction” (83). That is, they can be motivated by the potential, as well as actual, threat of some new technology or process rendering them obsolete.

Part 2, Chapter 8 Summary: “Monopolistic Practices”

Schumpeter argues that monopolies may actually be superior to purely competitive markets. First, they can increase prices beyond the level that would exist in pure competition and can generate excess profits. These profits give them the resources to invest in new technologies and methods of production not available to firms in perfect competition. Secondly, the excess profits under a monopoly provide a crucial incentive in an economy overall. Firms are motivated to risk resources and innovate to potentially reap profits. In contrast, under perfect competition, where new market entrants immediately whittle away profits, there is little incentive to make expensive or risky investment decisions.

Part 2, Chapter 9 Summary: “Closed Season”

Schumpeter looks at other possible reasons for the expansion of output under capitalism “not inherent in the business processes of capitalism” (107) itself. The first possible reason is the expansion of the world population. This, however, would not account for the increased per capita world income in the capitalist epoch. The second possible reason is new land in the US, with attendant new markets and resources. However, the discovery of new resources and land cannot be viewed as independent from capitalism, but rather integral to the capitalist process. For it is capitalism which provides incentives to discover new resources, land, and markets for exploitation as well as the means to do so.

Part 2, Chapter 10 Summary: “The Vanishing of Investment Opportunity”

Schumpeter assesses arguments which claim that capitalism will collapse due to a reduction or elimination of opportunities for capital investment, something essential to capitalism’s development. He says these arguments are unconvincing. Specifically, he looks at the claim that human society has reached a technological frontier which limits the possibility of further new demand, and hence investment. Rather, he says that “technological possibilities are an uncharted sea” (118). We simply cannot predict what new technologies, products and demands will emerge, just as those living in the 1750s could not have anticipated aircraft or atomic power.

Part 2, Chapter 11 Summary: “The Civilization of Capitalism”

This chapter outlines how capitalist culture has benefited humankind. Schumpeter argues that it has promoted rationality, as the process of bourgeois production requires continual and sober calculation of costs and benefits. It has eliminated or reduced much superstitious thinking and encouraged pacifism, as war is usually costly. At the same time, Schumpeter suggests that these benefits make no difference to whether capitalism will survive, or for how long. The demise of capitalism will be a result of economic and social processes which have a life and momentum of their own.

Part 2, Chapter 12 Summary: “Crumbling Walls”

What will destroy capitalism, according to Schumpeter, is a process whereby economic progress and development becomes entirely mechanized. That is, economic innovation will cease to be the result of individual entrepreneurs and their efforts. Instead, it will be increasingly delegated to teams of administrators and specialists. This will be a result of the capitalist system’s success in mechanizing production. However, in the end it will destroy the bourgeoisie as a class by eliminating their core function as innovators.

Part 2, Chapter 13 Summary: “Growing Hostility”

There will also be, Schumpeter argues, growing hostility from the public toward capitalism that will precipitate its downfall. Ironically, this is related to its development and success. Increased leisure, educational opportunities, and easier access to books and newspapers, things created by capitalism, allow people to more readily criticize it. Increasing freedom given to intellectuals, whose role is to criticize, means that discontent can be easily organized and directed.

Part 2, Chapter 14 Summary: “Decomposition”

Schumpeter believes capitalism will also be undermined by the decline of the bourgeois family. This is precipitated by capitalism itself. As society becomes ever more rational, couples will start to question the rationality of having children. This will lead to the demise of the family and remove another cornerstone of bourgeois values.

Part 2 Analysis

In some respects, Schumpeter and Marx’s accounts of capitalism’s collapse seem similar. Marx places more emphasis on crises and cataclysms. For Schumpeter, in contrast, capitalism will fade away. Yet both appear to agree that capitalism’s demise will be essentially economic. The mechanism of capital’s own evolution will doom capitalism.

However, a perception of similarity is only partly correct. For Schumpeter, unlike for Marx, the economic factor is not necessarily detrimental in itself. Rather, it is harmful because it is related to forces and impulses outside of capitalism, but upon which capitalism rests.

What are these forces? First, it is necessary to examine the demise of the entrepreneur. As Schumpeter writes, “capitalist enterprise, by its very achievements, tends to automatize progress” (134). Innovation allows for more and new commodities to be produced, premised on the liberation of human labor. This is achieved by finding ways to make automatic and standardized what was previously done by people. Eventually, argues Schumpeter, this will subsume the process of commercial progress. Innovation will become increasingly technical and scientific. Machines and teams of specialists will efficiently organize it. For example, advanced machines and market research groups, rather than an individual, will take responsibility for designing new products. In this context “rationalized and specialized office work will eventually blot out personality, the calculable result, the ‘vision”’ (133). The entrepreneur with their unique idea, and the will to make it a reality, will become “just another office worker” (133). The entrepreneurial function, and type, will atrophy.

This alone does not destroy the bourgeoisie or capitalism. For one thing, entrepreneurs have only constituted one part of the capitalist class. Owners of already established companies and wealth have typically formed the greater part of the bourgeoisie. The capitalist class will continue to exist after the automation of progress, while entrepreneurs will decline. What will change is the bourgeois class’s capacity for “recruiting and revitalizing itself” (134). When they are successful, entrepreneurs not only join the bourgeois class but lend it a sense of vigor and purpose. In the entrepreneur, the bourgeoisie can see its existence as meaningful, even noble. In their absence, the capitalist class will suffer from a spiritual and existential malaise. This lack of self-belief will, in the end, destroy their ability and desire to defend capitalism, and contribute to capitalism’s downfall.

This crisis of value and identity is hastened by, and connected to, two other processes. The first is the “Evaporation of the Substance of Property” (156). In the early stages of capitalism, property ownership was something tangible and concrete. The individual capitalist would be familiar in a “visible and touchable” way with the factories and machines they controlled (142). This cultivated a strong personal connection with their property and desire to defend the system underpinning it. As capitalism develops, however, this changes. The pursuit of ever greater efficiencies means that ownership is increasingly dematerialized and abstracted. Groups of shareholders owning shares in large conglomerates replace the individual factory owner. Many of these have never even visited the companies they theoretically own. Meanwhile, the business of running these enterprises is delegated to salaried managers. Such a situation, says Schumpeter, “takes the life out of the idea of property” (142). Absentee owners, feeling no special attachment to the companies they own or the concept of property, will not fight for capitalism against the growing numbers opposed to it.

Lastly, there is the decline of the bourgeois family. According to Schumpeter, in earlier stages of capitalist development the bourgeois man would be motivated “to work and to save primarily for wife and children” (160). His desire to build a business and invest for the future, a process central to capitalism, would be driven by a sense that he was doing it for some purpose and future outside of himself. With the evolution of capitalism, this changes. The utilitarian rationality which capitalism has helped spread leads the bourgeois couple to “introduce into their private life a sort of inarticulate system of cost accounting” (157). Scorning tradition, they apply an individualistic calculus to having children. Weighing money and personal freedom, many increasingly decide against it. This is especially the case given modern contraception and growing opportunities for travel and consumption. Not having children puts a further nail in the coffin of the bourgeois ethos. It makes the bourgeoisie’s decline as a distinct class more likely, as well as the demise of capitalism.

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